Life of Brigadier General John McCausland
By James Earl Brown
Brigadier General John McCausland, famous as the savior of Lynchburg and as the alleged incendiary of Chambersburg,1 was born in St. Louis, September 13, 1836.2 His grandparents, Alexander and Elizabeth Kyle McCausland, had lived at Six Mile Cross, Tyrone County, Ireland.3 Alexander was the direct descendant of Colonel Robert McCausland of Fruithill, near Newton Limavidy, County Londonderry, who died in 1734.4
The name McCausland or McAuslane, as it was called in an early day, is not unknown in ancient Scotch and Irish history. In the days of Wallace and Bruce the McAuslanes lived on the shores of beautiful Loch Lomond in the highlands of Scotland, where they flourished and acted well their part in the bloody local wars of the times. They fought for Malcolm II, who gave them lands and a coat of arms as well.5
Most of the McCauslands of Tyrone and Londonderry are descended from Baron McAuslane, who with his two sons, migrated to Ireland from the parish of Luss in the latter part of the reign of King James I. The elder son of Baron McAuslane was the father of Colonel Robert McCausland who had estates in the parish of Cappagh in Tyrone County.6
Alexander McCausland, one of the descendants of Colonel Robert, married his cousin Elizabeth Kyle, the daughter of William Kyle who was knighted Sir William the Belt for gallantry and rewarded by land grants in Tyrone, Ireland.7
Because of threats of Catholic enemies, Alexander, a Protestant, sold his lands about 1800 for $1,400. He then embarked with his family for America. With his wife and eleven children he landed at Baltimore; then proceeding by wagon to Staunton, Virginia, he joined his relatives, the Kyles. One of Alexander's sons, John, married a cousin, Harriet Kyle Price, a widow who was the daughter of William Kyle and Sarah Stevens Kyle.8
John McCausland became associated with the Kyles in the mercantile business. The firm had stores in Nashville, Lynchburg, and St. Louis. John moved to St. Louis where he enjoyed phenomenal success, for he gained control of the heart of the city, a section which was one day to give his son a sizable fortune. Because of his business acumen, McCausland was asked by city counselor, Truston Polk, later governor of Missouri, to devise the taxation system for St. Louis, which as commissioner of taxation he proceeded to do. To this day this system stands as a monument to his rare ability.9
John and Harriet McCausland had three children -- John, Robert, and Laura. The latter died in infancy after being dropped by her nurse; John was a high-spirited and impulsive boy with a temper that sometimes caused unfortunate incidents;10 Robert, who later became a doctor, was exactly the opposite. In 1843, within a month of each other, their parents died. The boys lived with their grandmother, Mrs. Alexander McCausland, until her death. Then, in 1849, their guardian uncle, Alexander McCausland, brought them on a steamboat to Henderson, (West) Virginia. Here, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha River, they lived with their widowed aunt, Mrs. Jane Smith, and her three children -- Elizabeth, Mary Jane, and James.11
John McCausland was educated in the best elementary schools of his day in Mason County and at Buffalo Academy in Putnam County.12 On August 2, 1853, at the age of sixteen, he enrolled in the Virginia Military Institute at Lexington, Virginia. In 1857 he graduated in engineering at the head of his Class.13
For a year he studied at the University of Virginia14 and then in 1859 he became an assistant professor of mathematics and assistant instructor in artillery tactics at Virginia Military Institute. At the same time he studied law in Judge John W. Brockenbrough's office. For two years he taught at Virginia Military Institute. One of his colleagues on the faculty was Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson of whom he became a devoted admirer. As an indication of this devotion he gave in 1892 twenty shares of stock of a southern publishing company for a Jackson Memorial Hall to be erected on the Virginia Military Institute campus.15
It was while McCausland was a professor at Virginia Military Institute that John Brown made his daring raid on the arsenal at Harpers Ferry. After he had been captured by Colonel Robert E. Lee and a body of marines, Brown was tried for treason and found guilty. Fearing from published threats that an attempt might be made by Northern sympathizers to recruit him, Governor Henry A. Wise ordered Virginia troops to Charles Town to guard the prisoner until after the execution. Among them were cadets from Virginia Military Institute commanded by Colonel Francis H. Smith, the superintendent. The officers were Thomas J. Jackson and John McCausland.16
THE CALL TO ARMS
When the call to arms was sounded in 1861, McCausland immediately offered his services to Virginia but not to the Confederacy.17 His first assignment was the organization of a battery of artillery composed of volunteers of Rockbridge County which was to gain fame as the Rockbridge Artillery. He drilled this unit until it was ready for service, when Governor John Letcher appointed him to its command with the rank of captain. This he declined but he persuaded a young Episcopal minister, the Reverend Doctor William N. Pendleton, a graduate of Virginia Military Institute, to accept. Pendleton was a good fighter and became General Lee's well known chief of artillery. Of Pendleton and his command McCausland later said:
I only saw this battery once after it left the Academy. It was at the battle of Monocacy Bridge. My command was attacking General Lew Wallace's flank and was in the midst of a furious fight when all of a sudden I heard a swish behind us. Turning, I saw the Rockbridge battery charging pell-mell into the line. They swept past us with a roar, Captain Pendleton in the lead. As he went by he shouted, "Mack, we are here." That was the only time I saw them.18
Governor Letcher next suggested that McCausland be made a lieutenant colonel, and General Lee, on April 29, 1861, sent him to the Great Kanawha Valley to recruit and organize troops. McCausland was to muster into the service not more than ten companies; these he was to use only in defense. Lee told him to use his best judgment in the placement of these men so as to provide the most safety for them and protection for the residents of the Valley. As soon as possible arms and field pieces would be sent to make the Confederate position secure.19
In raising these troops McCausland had to rely on the draft, for which he was criticized.20 He organized the Thirty-sixth Regiment of Virginia Infantry, and later became its colonel. Some of the best blood of western Virginia counties was in this regiment. It was composed of soldiers, once they were trained, who were ever ready to follow, no matter what the dangers were, if McCausland led the way. To his men he was best known as "Tiger John."21
May 3, 1861, Colonel Christopher Q. Tompkins took command of McCausland's forces,22 but to McCausland fell the task of whipping the men into shape for active duty. May 16, 1861, he wrote from Buffalo to Colonel Francis H. Smith of Virginia Military Institute for help, saying that he needed troops, supplies, and drillmasters to prepare the men for the warm work ahead. Of the suggestion of an Ohio paper that his troops should be captured as Missouri troops were, McCausland declared, "They can't take us alive."23
On June 28, 1861, McCausland again wrote to Colonel Smith. This time he gave a picture of the recruits sent to him and of future plans. He said his men, though ill-clad and undisciplined, were being formed into an effective regiment to make an attack into Ohio across from Point Pleasant. He also mentioned the fact that General Henry A. Wise, ex-governor of Virginia, was having difficulty in raising troops in this region and had "only 300 in his Legion."24
Earlier Wise had been appointed brigadier general and authorized to raise a command, later known as "Wise's Legion." Wise was popular with the people of northwest Virginia and was expected to increase volunteering. But, according to McCausland, Wise had his troubles. In time, however, he succeeded in enlisting 2,705 men in the Great Kanawha Valley region.25
In all of this period there was fear of an attack in the Kanawha Valley. Federal troops were stationed at Gallipolis, Ohio, to watch developments there and elsewhere along the border.26 All the while McCausland drilled his troops and prepared. On July 3, he wrote Colonel Smith, asking him for badly needed cartridges and powder.27
The expected attack came on July 17, 1861, when a force under General Jacob D. Cox met a detachment of Wise's command at Scary on the Great Kanawha about fifteen miles west of Charleston. McCausland helped drive Cox back to the Pocotaligo28 Later, on July 24, Wise fell back to Charleston before a superior Union force.29 McClellan's advance to Cheat Mountain frightened the South and Wise, acting under discretionary orders, abandoned Charleston and retreated up the Kanawha. July 27, he left Gauley Bridge, burning the bridge over Gauley River, and after a march of over 100 miles reached Lewisburg on the last day of the month. He pitched his camp at Burger's Mill.30
This Federal success was important, as it gave them control of the mines, blast furnaces, foundries, the saltworks, and the navigable waters of the Ohio; petroleum wells of the Little Kanawha; and camps of observation far into Virginia, from which raiding parties were constantly working. The Confederates were unable to recruit more troops in this section, but they had to watch the Federals constantly.31
John B. Floyd, an ex-secretary of war and ex-governor, was also in southwest Virginia and, after Wise's retreat, was ordered to move to the region of Lewisburg and take command of the two armies.32 Floyd and Wise clashed over policy and created a critical situation.
Floyd asked Wise to detail McCausland to his command, which request was granted on August 15, 1861. After some delay Floyd and McCausland left White Sulphur for Carnifex Ferry on August 22, 1861.33 At this time McCausland's command was torn by desertion and furlough. His men were also barefoot, without clothing, and sick with measles.34
August 26, Floyd achieved a victory over Colonel Erastus B. Tyler at Cross Lanes, Nicholas County, where he took one hundred prisoners and killed fifty Federals. In that engagement he had the aid of Generals Augustus A. Chapman and Alfred Beckley, as well as McCausland and Colonel Christopher Q. Tompkins.35 Fearing an attack from General William S. Rosecrans and waiting for reenforcements from Wise, Floyd remained inactive at Carnifex Ferry.36
From Summersville, September 8, McCausland informed Floyd that the Federals, led by Rosecrans, were advancing from Sutton. Already they were at Powell's Mountain with approximately 6,000 men. On September 9, the enemy moved forward and the next day met Floyd's army at Carnifex Ferry. After a spirited battle of four hours neither side was victorious. Floyd, however, recrossed the Gauley and moved to Dogwood Gap the ensuing night.37
When Lee, after his defeat at Cheat Mountain on September 12, took command of the Confederate forces in the Kanawha region, Wise was at Little Sewell Mountain. The latter had urged Floyd, his superior, to leave Meadow Bluff and join him, but this Floyd refused to do.
Finally Lee, in order to please Wise, even though he agreed with Floyd that Meadow Bluff, Greenbrier County, was the place to meet the enemy, ordered Floyd to Little Sewell Mountain opposite Big Sewell Mountain where the Federals under Generals Jacob D. Cox and Rosecrans were encamped. On October 5, however, the Union forces retired from their precarious position and fell back to the Hawk's Nest about mid-October.38 Lee then went to Staunton and left Floyd with 2,000 men to follow the Federals to Fayetteville and thence to nearby Cotton Hill. On November 1, Floyd attacked Rosecrans at Gauley, but without success.39 He then took position on Cotton Hill.
By November 6, Floyd's staff, which included McCausland, began to feel that its position on Cotton Hill was unsafe and submitted a petition to Floyd asking him to move to one of the following places: Newbern, Dublin, the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, or to a more active field of operation. Floyd said he would have to wait orders from the War Department before he could move.40 On November 10, he was attacked by Colonel Charles A. Devilliers and retreated to Loop Mountain and on November 14, he feel back to Piney Creek.41
When Floyd was ordered to Dublin Depot in December, the guards left at Meadow Bluff were on December 15 attacked and scattered by Colonel George Crook.42 Shortly after this Floyd and his army were attached to the army of General Albert Sidney Johnston at Bowling Green, Kentucky. McCausland and his command went with him.43
FORT DONELSON AND WESTERN VIRGINIA, 1862
Floyd was stationed in February 1862, at Fort Donelson where, as a part of General Albert Sidney Johnston's command, his force met a severe setback at the hands of Ulysses S. Grant. February 13, Floyd ordered McCausland from Cumberland City, where he had been in quarters, to Fort Donelson, which was being attacked by the Federals. He arrived at daylight, and was at once ordered into the trenches,44 where he supported Captain Henry Green's battery on the left wing. He was under fire all day.45
February 14, there was continued skirmishing with artillery and musketry. Then, the gunboats began a bombardment, but McCausland's brigade received no injuries. During the night the Confederates threw up a good earthwork in front of their battery, to repulse the attacks of the enemy. About midnight, McCausland received orders to concentrate his brigade near the left wing and at daylight on the morning of the 15th, this column, under General Gideon J. Pillow, sallied from the left and engaged General John A. McClernand.
McCausland's brigade was a reserve for that of Colonel William E. Baldwin, but when the enemy pressed to his right, McCausland at once moved to Baldwin's support and engaged the enemy in thick undergrowth and in a rough and rolling country. When his firing had checked McClernand, McCausland ordered a charge that routed the enemy for two miles and he halted only at the order of General Pillow. As planned, the entire besieged army could have escaped through this opening in the Union lines, but General Pillow intervened and caused Floyd to change the orders. The Thirty-sixth Virginia under command of McCausland lost fourteen killed and forty-six wounded. It captured one field gun and 200 Enfield rifles. McCausland said his men behaved gallantly.46
Of this engagement General Pillow commended McCausland for his gallantry.47 Colonel Baldwin said: "I cannot forbear to mention that Colonel McCausland, not assigned to my command, voluntarily tendered his cooperation and was conspicuous for his daring intrepidity."48
Regardless of McCausland's bravery and that of others, Fort Donelson was unable to withstand the relentless counter attack of Grant and, though Pillow objected, Floyd decided to accept Grant's "unconditional surrender" terms. He then turned his command over to Pillow who refused it, thus giving to General Simon B. Buckner the unpleasant duty of surrender.49
Because of his record in Buchanan's cabinet Floyd was regarded generally in the North as a thief and an aggravated traitor. Threats were common that he should hang, if he fell into the hands of the Union army. From the extensive circulation of northern newspapers in the South, Floyd must have been aware of this, for in the conference with his generals discussing the surrender he said: "We will have to capitulate; but, gentlemen, you know my position with the Federals; it wouldn't do; it wouldn't do."50
Sunday, February 16, two small steamers, arriving at the fort about daybreak, furnished Floyd and about 1,500 of his troops, McCausland included, a means of escape. Pillow crossed the river in a skiff; Colonel Nathan B. Forrest took 500 of his cavalry, and a number of men from the infantry and artillery regiments, mounted on artillery horses, over the road which was submerged by the overflow of the Cumberland.51
Because of the surrender, President Jefferson Davis was greatly displeased and relieved Floyd and Pillow of their commands. Davis then tried to determine why information had not been given as to the insufficiency of the garrison; why they had not evacuated the post sooner; why they had abandoned the command; how they escaped; and why certain troops were selected to escape.52
Floyd's answer to Davis's inquiries may be summarized as follows: First, the enemy had 119 regiments. Many Confederate leaders realized the futility of trying to defeat the Union forces at this time. Floyd had told his superior officers that Fort Donelson was a dangerous place to concentrate, even with 20,000 men.
Second, the men were not in condition -- they had fought eighty-four hours constantly and were exhausted. They could have tried to escape by cutting their way through, and lost three-fourths of their men, or marched through water three-feet deep, which the medical officer advised against, thus losing one-half of the command.
Third, he did not believe in surrendering the "entire army." His was the dangerous job of taking those who could go. Those who remained were safe.
Fourth, a senior officer has a right to choose any troops for any movement. However, his troops were nearest the boats, and so they were first. No one was excluded because he belonged to another regiment. Of the 13,829 that surrendered, three of the companies were his own -- French's, Guy's, and Jackson's. Five thousand were able to escape, where otherwise the whole force would have had to surrender.53
When asked his opinion regarding the necessity for the surrender, McCausland said: "I do not think it would have been possible for our troops to have cut their way through the enemy lines. An attempt would certainly have resulted in the loss of one-half of our entire army, including the whole baggage, army supplies, and artillery."54
They had their questionable opportunity to escape on the 14th when McClernand was routed. After that any effort would have been foolhardy. At least, that was the consensus of opinion of the staff. For his part in Fort Donelson, McCausland suffered later by being denied promotions as fast as he or his men expected them. Some said that President Davis was resentful that certain Mississippi troops were surrendered. Major William N. Brown claimed that his Mississippi regiment could have escaped and was not permitted to do so. This was denied by Floyd.55
From Fort Donelson General Floyd and those who escaped with him went to Murfreesboro. From there McCausland marched his troops to Nashville, where he re-organized them and moved to Chattanooga. Here he remained until after the battle of Shiloh. He then went back to Wytheville, Virginia,56 where on April 9, 1862, he received orders from Richmond to take the Thirty-sixth to Lewisburg and report to General Henry Heth.57
On the night of May 9, 1862, McCausland and Colonel Walter H. Jenifer drove General Jacob D. Cox out of Pearisburg, Giles County, where the Union army held the New River Narrows. Within a few miles of Pearisburg the pickets fired upon the Confederate advance which was a signal for them to storm the place. In face of the enemy lodged on a hill, the spirit and fire of the Confederates seemed to know no bounds. McCausland drove Cox through the town and pursued him seven miles.
By this victory the Confederate army regained control of the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, made necessary by the previous abandonment of the Virginia Railroad.58 Of McCausland's part in the Pearisburg victory General Heth said: "I never witnessed better or more determined fighting. It is with some hesitation, where all did so well, that I mention names. To Colonels Jenifer and McCausland my special thanks are due and they deserve the approbation of the department."59
May 16, Heth again attacked Cox, this time on Flat Top Mountain in present West Virginia, and Cox retreated. Heth then marched against Lewisburg which was held by Colonel George Crook. But the attack which was made May 23 failed, and Heth retired to the Narrows.60
During June, July, and August 1862, only a few minor skirmishes occurred. It was at this time that the friends of McCausland were trying to have him made a brigadier general. On this subject J. G. Newman, who had been selected by McCausland's friends, wrote on June 25, 1862, to General Francis H. Smith, Superintendent of Virginia Military Institute. Newman asked General Smith, who knew McCausland well for a recommendation to send to President Jefferson Davis. Among other things, Newman said:
Colonel McCausland will be recommended by petitions from the officers of the Twenty-Sixth Regiment; also by a number of members of Congress and judges; I served as Captain of a company in Colonel McCausland's regiment for one year, and can say that he was always with his regiment and won distinction in every battle he was in. He is a man of temperate habits, fine sense, cool courage, and has one of the best disciplined and most efficient regiments in the service.61
McCausland knew about this effort and wrote to General Smith, saying: "Some of my friends are trying for my promotion and as you were kind enough to write a letter of recommendation for me some time ago I am induced to ask you to write another. Please send it to Honorable James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, Richmond, Virginia."62
McCausland was, however, doing more than trying to get promoted. Among other things, he was thinking of his men, as well as himself. For example, a private, Alexander Robinson, was captured July 13, 1862, at Meadow Bluff, Greenbrier County, by the Federals and shot because, as they said, "he hadn't surrendered the day before when he was firing at them." McCausland had the matter investigated. He wrote Colonel George Crook, and Crook promised to see that those guilty were punished.63
In this same part of July 1862, Floyd was stirring up dissension in western Virginia. Brigadier General Heth said he was working against the Confederate army because of disappointment and was trying to break it down in southwestern Virginia by his opposition to the conscript law. When McCausland was attached to Heth, he accused Floyd of trying to prevent men reenlisting under Heth's command.64
With Lee successful against Pope on the Rappahannock, Cox was sent to Washington and Colonel Joseph A. J. Lightburn was put in command of the Federal forces in the Kanawha Valley; those around Moorefield and Franklin had previous withdrawn. Therefore, Lee ordered General William W. Loring from the Narrows "to clear the Valley of the Kanawha and then operate northwardly so as to join me in the Valley of Virginia."65
To help Loring in the execution of this order, General Albert G. Jenkins made his famous raid of 1862. Setting out from Salt Sulphur Springs, Monroe County, at the head of the Eighth Virginia Cavalry of 550 men, he marched through Greenbrier, Pocahontas, Randolph, Upshur, Lewis, Gilmer, Calhoun, Roane, and Jackson counties to the Ohio River which he crossed at Ravenswood. Avoiding Federals at the mouth of the Kanawha, he rejoined his command by keeping to the south of the Kanawha River. All told, he covered a distance of more than 500 miles. Among his reprisals were 300 prisoners, 5,000 stands of arms taken on August 30, at Buckhannon, and $5,525 taken from a Federal paymaster at Ripley, Jackson County.66
The way thus cleared, Loring, with four brigades of cavalry and artillery (McCausland commanding the fourth) moved on Fayetteville, September 10, and defeated General Lightburn, who was driven to Montgomery Ferry.67 In the attack near Montgomery, McCausland was placed at the front. Later he was sent across the Kanawha River in pursuit of the enemy.68
As the Federals crossed at Montgomery, they set fire to the ferry in an attempt to prevent the Confederates from crossing. Four of them, Dr. Joseph F. Watkins, Lieutenant Alexander H. Samuels, W. H. Harmon, and Allen Thompson swam across the river in face of gun-fire, seized the ferry, brought it back, and put out the flames with water from their hats. General John Echols's, McCausland's and Colonel George S. Patton's brigades then crossed the river, took the camp which the Federals had abandoned, and resumed the pursuit.69
At Elk River, near Charleston, the suspension bridge having been burned by the retreating Federals, McCausland forded that stream about two miles above the town. Upon his arrival at the ford, it was found impossible to cross with infantry and artillery. Accordingly, he ordered the cavalry to cross and move down the opposite shore and then move to his extreme left, where his men collected boats and were ready to cross, when nightfall put an end to the conflict. Early the next morning they crossed and came to the enemy's camp. By that time the Federals were retreating down the Kanawha but they had to alter their course as Jenkins came down Coal river, struck their flank, and compelled them to go by Ravenswood to Point Pleasant, thence into Ohio.70
In this campaign, September 10-16, involving a mountain march of 169 miles from Giles Court House, the Confederates lost eighteen killed and eighty-nine wounded. Lightburn reported a loss of twenty-five killed, ninety-five wounded, and 190 missing. Though he seized considerable booty, Lightburn was compelled to abandon immense stores, worth about one million dollars, and did not have time to destroy the important salt works. The Confederate forces were now in command of the Kanawha Valley.71
Of the leaders in the campaign General Loring said: "To Generals [John] Williams and Echols, Colonels [Gabriel C.?] Wharton and McCausland, who were commanding brigades, I take pleasure in according the praise which they deserve for their efficient services and cordial execution of my commands."72 Of McCausland's part in the skirmish before Fayette Court House, General Williams said: "McCausland, with the Thirty-Sixth, in gallant style, occupied a house and some stumps of trees from which the enemy had greatly annoyed us."73
Lee wanted Loring to leave the Kanawha Valley to go to Winchester and leave a force under Floyd to hold what they gained. Meanwhile, Loring was to have destroyed military depots at Clarksburg and Grafton, and captured important Union men and sent them to Richmond. Loring replied that he was starting on October 7, by way of Lewisburg and Monterey. He sent out expeditions but finally decided to hold the Kanawha Valley. Because of Loring's ineptitude General John Echols was on October 15, appointed his successor. Under his leadership the army started back to Charleston on October 17.74
Later, the Union armies were reenforced and Echols was driven back to Raleigh and thence to the Lewisburg-Princeton Line. As the Federals still had control of Beverly in the north and thus recovered the central Kanawha Valley region, the situation at the end of 1862 was about the same as at the end of 1861.75
November 28, 1862, McCausland was stationed at Princeton. In December he was transferred to General Sam Jones, who was protecting the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad and the saltworks in Wythe and Smyth counties. As West Virginia was to be admitted to separate statehood, Jones felt the Federals would attack in the spring. Therefore, he asked for troops to meet them.76
SOUTHWEST VIRGINIA, 1863
January 2, 1863, McCausland, while at Princeton, was warned that the enemy was in strong force at Pound Gap, Virginia, and to be ready to move to the Narrows if necessary.77 He expected an attack on the saltworks at Saltville, Smyth County, which were quite essential to the Confederate cause, but this attack was not made.78 He was therefore rather inactive during January and February. He had given up hope of promotion to a brigadier generalship. March 11, 1863, he wrote to General Francis H. Smith, of Virginia Military Institute, concerning this, saying:
My friends assure me that it is not from want of inclination -- but rather the want of an opportunity that the appointment has not been made. Colonel Gabriel C. Wharton's claims have also been urged and the department is disinclined to choose between us. As far as I am concerned, I have waived any claim that I may have in Wharton's favor. After the treatment that I received last summer from the department I cannot expect any promotion.79
The ill treatment referred to was President Davis's rebuke of General Floyd and his men for the manner of their escape at Fort Donelson, where, as has been see, certain Confederate troops surrendered. Because of this official reproof, McCausland's promotion was not forthcoming. He was forced to wait a year, until he had clearly shown his great qualities of leadership at the battle of Cloyd Mountain.
In March 1863, General Albert G. Jenkins made an infantry raid into the Kanawha Valley in search of supplies to harass the enemy. In support of this movement McCausland attacked Fayetteville. His purpose was not primarily to seize Fayetteville but to make it uncomfortable for the Federals and, if possible, to make them fall back to Charleston. He hoped thus to cut up the enemy's troops and capture needed salt supplies. McCausland and his men were expected to insure the success of Jenkins's expedition,80 for General Sam Jones, who was in charge of the Dublin Depot region, placed much reliance on McCausland's coolness and good judgment in the execution of orders.
In his move against Fayetteville McCausland was instructed not to carry many supplies. Instead, he was to have them brought up, if necessary, or to use any that he might capture from the enemy at Fayetteville. If he failed, he was to retreat to Piney, near Raleigh Court House. Whatever he did, he was not to have his troops cut up in trying to take or hold Fayetteville. It was not worth the sacrifice as it could not be held at that time.81
As a diversion, the Federals attacked Lewisburg on May 2, and threatened the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad at the Narrows. McCausland sent Thurmond's companies to help Echols hold the railroad and thus weakened his own force.82
May 13, Brigadier General John D. Imboden, returning from the famous Jones-Imboden raid in present West Virginia, reached Lewisburg where a Federal force expected to cut him off. To do this the Federals would have to send troops from Fayetteville and thus weaken themselves there. If such were the case, McCausland was to attack Fayetteville. However, his main objective was to keep the Federals from attacking Imboden. If possible, he was to capture Fayetteville and Imboden was to help him.83
With three regiments and one cavalry battalion, McCausland on May 19, without help from Imboden, attacked Fayetteville, which was then held by Colonel Charles Bramon White. The attack continued until noon May 20, but when White was reenforced by three regiments, McCausland withdrew to Raleigh Court House and then to Piney.84 Of his attack at Fayetteville General Sam Jones on May 29 wrote: "I am highly pleased with your management of the demonstration on Fayetteville."85
Having been forced from his position at Piney, near Raleigh Court House, by a superior force of the enemy under General Eliakim P. Scammon, McCausland retired in July to Flat Top Mountain. Finding that the enemy did not follow him with their main body and was endeavoring to pass in his rear with a large cavalry force, he continued the retreat to Mercer Court House, where he learned that enemy cavalry had passed through Abb's Valley, Tazewell County. At once he sent cavalry to intercept them and infantry to block the roads, but before these movements could be executed the enemy had retreated in the direction of Wytheville, Wythe County. Confederate cavalry pursued until they met with Major Andrew J. May of General John Williams's command, who stopped the chase.86
On the morning of the 19th, McCausland moved with a part of his infantry, cavalry, and artillery through Rocky Gap, Bland County, in the direction of Wytheville. He halted the infantry and artillery at the Gap and continued with the cavalry, but, on reaching Bland Court House, he found that the enemy had retired toward Tazewell County. At no time had he come in McCausland's direction or passed the mountain at any of the crossings guarded by his forces. Scammon had passed beyond him. As soon as he found he could not come up with the enemy, McCausland stopped at Rocky Gap and remained there. On the morning of the 19th, he also sent a sufficient garrison to guard the Narrows.87
Of this lost opportunity to capture Scammon's forces McCausland says:
I am sure that some one is to blame for the escape of the enemy. I am also of the opinion that the cavalry force that was in Tazewell, under General Williams and Major May, was sufficient to have captured the enemy if it had been properly managed. If the gap at Crabtree had been occupied by Major May, or had he permitted Captain H. Bowen to have occupied it (which he would have done) the enemy could have been driven upon me at Rocky Gap and they could not have escaped. Again, if General Williams had moved with the celerity that the occasion required, and attacked the enemy in force, instead of skirmishing with his rear, he would have defeated them, and taken or scattered most of them. I never could come up with them with my infantry, and those commanding the cavalry failed because they did not charge the enemy with their whole force when they did overtake them.88
Captain H. Bowen gave strength to McCausland's criticism by saying: "If they (General Williams and Major May had any means of ascertaining the roads which the enemy intended to come, the troops could have been posted so as to make them surrender or abandon the idea of passing through Abb's Valley."89 On the other hand his men were loyal to General Williams and attributed his failure to his command which consisted of new recruits, numbering only one-fourth as many as the enemy.90
During August, September, and October 1863, McCausland was guarding the railroad near New River Bridge, where he expected an attack of 600 or 700 Federals from Wyoming County. He was cautioned repeatedly to help guard the Princeton-Lewisburg Line and, if necessary, to fall back and help protect the saltworks at Saltville. If he could, he was to hold the Narrows, Giles County, and Rocky Gap, Bland County. Conditions became so serious that the Sixteenth Virginia was taken from McCausland and sent to Saltville. This left him only a regiment each of infantry and cavalry.91 It was reported that General Scammon had gone to Washington, but McCausland later learned this was false. Scammon was still at Lewisburg, and his movements were carefully guarded.92
As the situation around the Narrows was not serious, McCausland on November 29 left a guard there and moved to Lewisburg, where he helped General John Echols retard General William W. Averell with over 3,000 men in his retreat after the "Big Salem Raid." On December 13, McCausland joined Echols at Pickaway Plains, Monroe County, and on the 18th they met Averell in a slight engagement at Sweet Springs. By December 21, General Sam Jones had assumed command of the Confederate forces, consisting of McCausland, Echols, General John D. Imboden and Colonel William L. Jackson, in this attempt to halt Averell. They trailed him to White Sulphur Springs but did not prevent his reaching Beverly on Christmas Eve. Though he lost 119 men in this stroke, Averell destroyed a long stretch of the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad near Salem.93
THE BATTLE OF CLOYD MOUNTAIN
In March 1864, General John C. Breckenridge replaced General Sam Jones as commander of the Dublin Depot region. Breckenridge's force at this time included General John Echols in Greenbrier and Monroe counties; General Albert G. Jenkins at Callaghan's Station and Dublin, Pulaski County; Colonel William L. Jackson at Covington, Alleghany County; Colonel Gabriel C. Wharton at the Narrows, Giles County; Generals William E. Jones and John Morgan at Saltville, Smyth County, and McCausland at Princeton, Mercer County,94 where he had been since January preparing for the spring campaign. McCausland had 1,145 men, all enlisted for the duration of the war.95
By April, it was obvious that the Union armies were planning two major offensives in this region -- one up the Shenandoah Valley to Staunton to be led by General Franz Sigel and another across the mountains from the Kanawha commanded by General George Crook.96 Crook was to destroy the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad and to seize the saltworks at Saltville in Smyth County. For this purpose Crook had, after he had been joined by General William W. Averell, according to reports from scouts from Charleston, nine infantry and seven cavalry regiments. He had also fifteen pieces of artillery.97
These operations were of alarming significance to the Confederates as they were low in breadstuffs and forage; their military roads were not yet completed; then, too, the Shenandoah Valley had been stripped of troops to reenforce Lee in the Wilderness.98 Breckenridge proposed, however, to halt Sigel at Staunton with the aid of Wharton and Imboden. Jenkins, who was at Dublin, and McCausland, who was at Princeton, were to impede Crook, so as to prevent his junction with Sigel.99
As Crook, with fourteen regiments, moved up from Fayetteville to Princeton, after making a feint as though going to Lewisburg, McCausland fell back to Dublin. Because of lack of transportation, his tools and tents -- and these had been captured from Federal forces -- were left behind. These Crook destroyed.100
While waiting at Dublin for cars to move his troops, McCausland was joined by Jenkins who informed him that they were to stop Crook, then encamped about eight miles distant. For that purpose they immediately moved to the Joseph Cloyd farm, not far from Crook's camp, where they selected a favorable location at the base of Cloyd Mountain. The spot chosen was one that made retreat easy, if necessary.101
On the morning of May 9, Crook advanced upon Jenkins and McCausland but was repulsed. In a second assault Jenkins received a mortal wound which, when complicated with pneumonia, caused his death twelve days later. When Jenkins was removed from the conflict McCausland assumed command. He reformed his lines as he withdrew to Dublin and New River Bridge.102 He was reenforced at the bridge by 500 men under Colonel D. Howard Smith and there prepared a new defense.103 On the morning of May 10, 1864, McCausland drew up his troops, placed sharpshooters along the bank of the New River, and pointed his artillery toward the bridge. Then was fought an artillery duel of four hours, which ended only when McCausland's ammunition supply ran out. He retreated and Crook burned the bridge.104
Crook had intended to move on Salem, but, when he saw that McCausland had moved to Big Hill and blocked his path, he moved to Blacksburg.105 Colonels William H. French and William L. Jackson, actin under orders from McCausland, then drove Crook from Blacksburg to Newport, where he gave them battle. Though he defeated them, he withdrew over Salt Pond Mountain, Giles County, leaving many wagons, harnesses, horseshoes, ambulances, and horse-collars. During the latter part of this campaign there was a severe storm that slowed Crook down and caused him great difficulty in getting over Salt Pond Mountain.106
Averell had meanwhile tried to reach Saltville to destroy the saltworks but he was turned back at Wytheville by General John Morgan. Averell then attempted to join Crook but was prevented from doing this by French and Jackson who drove him into the mountains. After much delay he joined Crook.107
McCausland hoped to aid French and Jackson at Newport in their effort to cut Averell off, but because of swollen streams, he arrived too late. He then returned to Christiansburg where he rested, got supplies, and reorganized his command, which now included Jenkins's force.108
The fight at Cloyd Mountain was made under great disadvantages to the Confederates and, considering their numbers and losses, it was a remarkable battle. The Federals had 7,500 men to the Confederates 2,300. The Federal loss was nearly 1,000 killed, wounded, captured, and missing. The Confederate loss was a heavy one -- 538 in killed, wounded, captured, and missing. But it was a sacrifice the Confederates could well afford to make. It kept Crook from destroying the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad.109 McCausland said of the Union offensive:
In this campaign Crook really accomplished nothing commensurate with his preparations. He took off a few guns and burned New River Bridge but his object was to get to Salem and be joined there by Hunter and Sigel in which he was frustrated by the fight at Cloyd's farm and the defeat of Sigel by Breckenridge at or near New Market. We succeeded in getting Crook away from the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad which was of vital importance in transporting supplies from Southwestern Virginia.110
At the battle of Cloyd Mountain and the engagement following it, McCausland showed ability. For years he had been trying to gain a promotion and his friends had tried to obtain it for him. At Cloyd Mountain his deeds spoke for him. Moreover, James A. Seddon, the Confederate Secretary of War, said McCausland's official report of the Cloyd Mountain Campaign was "clear and unpretending." The conservative President, Jefferson Davis, described it as "satisfactory."111 McCausland was on May 24, made a brigadier general.112
THE LYNCHBURG CAMPAIGN, 1864
After the Union armies had been repulsed in their Salem raid, General Franz Sigel was superseded by General David Hunter who was instructed to keep the Confederate Shenandoah Valley armies busy, so as to prevent them from aiding Lee. Hunter was expected to live off the country as much as possible by foraging widely.113
To foil Hunter, General William E. Jones on May 26, took his troops by rail to Staunton. McCausland was then at Union, West Virginia, with a reorganized force of 1,000 cavalry and 300 infantry. Jones directed McCausland to watch and prevent Crook and Averell from reenforcing Hunter.114 For this purpose McCausland moved by way of Sweet Springs to the vicinity of Covington and thence to Panther Gap, near Goshen, Rockbridge County. There his force stood athwart Crook's line of march, but he was unable to dispute with any success the passage of the Federals through Panther Gap. Although he delayed the enemy a whole day, Crook pressed on and destroyed the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad.115
Next day McCausland took position in Buffalo Gap, Augusta County, reenforced by Colonel William L. Jackson, who had been at Covington. While here, McCausland learned of Hunter's victory at Piedmont on June 5, of Jones's death in that engagement, of the capture of 1,500 of his men, and of the retreat of the Confederates to Waynesboro. McCausland immediately sent Jackson to aid them.116
When Crook came up in front of Buffalo Gap and Turned off to pass North Mountain by Pond Gap, McCausland passed up the foot of the mountain to Middlebrook and went into camp. There he remained guarding the approaches of the Upper Valley until Hunter, who was then at Staunton with the combined forces of Crook and Averell, commence his movement toward Lexington and Lynchburg.117
Hunter's army, totaling about 15,000 men, started toward Lexington by three parallel columns, one by the main road, one by the Middlebrook-Brownsburg Road, and the other, the cavalry, by the road that follows the base of North Mountain. McCausland kept his main force on the road through Brownsburg. At this place, Crook attacked viciously, but by hard fighting and skillful marching McCausland kept Crook in his front. McCausland, however, gradually fell back until he came on June 11 to the vicinity of Lexington and, after destroying the bridge across North River by first filling it was hay and saturating it with turpentine, he took position along its banks on the cliffs commanding the approaches to the crossing.118
Hunter attempted to throw a pontoon bridge across the pool of water formed by the canal and Jordan's Mill Dam, but McCausland's men killed the pontooniers and drove off their supports. Hunter then placed his artillery in position on the high ground and commenced to batter down the walls of Virginia Military Institute, the "Hornet's Nest," located on a hill in the rear of McCausland's position.119
After remaining there most of the day, firing his artillery at a vacant building, and throwing shells into Lexington, Hunter moved a column of infantry and Averell's cavalry up North River, crossed the ford at Leyburn's Mill, and drove off the single regiment of defenders. By this time McCausland knew that it was beyond his power to save from the vengeance of Hunter the Virginia Military Institute. This wanton destruction grieved McCausland for he was attached to the Institute with the devotion peculiar to its graduates.120
After crossing the river and moving on the Confederate rear, Hunter left the river bank and headed his column toward Buchanan. He remained, however, at Lexington a day or more to get his trains and artillery over North River. It was during this interval that he destroyed the Military Institute along with the entire state library of rare and valuable books, plundered Washington College, and burned the residence of former Governor John Letcher over the heads of his wife and his children. As a Confederate writer declared, he did "everything that a monster could do to degrade and exasperate the citizens."121
As is well known, Hunter penetrated Virginia as far south as Lynchburg. McCausland was in Lexington a short time after Hunter retreated from that point and heard people of all stations inform him that their homes had been plundered and their property uselessly destroyed. Some of them stated that they had applied in person to Hunter for protection against the soldiers and that he drove them off with abuse and refused to do anything to protect them or their property. Some of these were Union people.122 Captain Matthew White joined McCausland's army in the defense of Lexington, and then returned to his home outside the city. Because of his part in the campaign, Federals shot White as a bushwhacker.123
Hunter had left Lexington for Buchanan by the main road and McCausland continued in his front destroying every bridge and culvert, and obstructing his line of march in every possible way. McCausland besides showed fight at every turn, sometimes causing Averell to form long lines of cavalry or bring up infantry supports only to find that in the meantime McCausland had moved away to repeat his tactics at some other point. Thus he continued until the Federals approached Buchanan where the James River and Kanawha Canal were spanned by a covered bridge. McCausland passed the river on this structure, then destroyed it. He described the incident in these words:
It was filled by my orders on the sides with straw and this was saturated with oil and as soon as the rear guard passed at a gallop, I fired it with my own hands at the end next to the enemy and then crossed the river under the burning bridge, in a skiff, that I saw there. The troops, as fast as they filed through the lone bridge, were formed on the south bank of the river by officers of my staff that were stationed there for that purpose.124
Averell then pressed McCausland's rear guard and pushed for the bridge, but he was checked by Confederate fire. The oil and straw soon caused the entire structure to be consumed and the residue fell into the river. Thus, Hunter's march was stopped at this point. He said that the people of Buchanan objected to the burning of the bridge as unnecessary even from a military standpoint but "McCausland, with his characteristic recklessness, persisted."125 What Hunter failed to mention was the fact that this daring act detained him at this point three days when time was exceedingly valuable.
While Hunter remained in Buchanan getting his trains over, McCausland had crossed the bridge by the Peaks of Otter Road and was encamped on Goose Creek, in Bedford County, five miles from Liberty, where he watched Hunter's movements.126
While in Buchanan, Hunter's headquarters were the residence of a Mrs. Anderson. When he left he burned the house which contained many valuable things, such as silverware, paintings, and family relics that could not be replaced. The ladies were left without even the bare necessities of life.
The iron furnaces near Buchanan were burned and the Federal soldiers roamed over that neighborhood without restraint. No respect was paid to persons or property. A certain David Creigh who had shot a soldier for attempting to enter his house and insult his family was hanged at Hunter's orders. Crook and Averell remonstrated with him against this severe penalty, but in vain.127 McCausland was perhaps later to think of this incident on a hot July day in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania.
Hunter crossed the Blue Ridge by the Peaks of Otter Road and went into the Otter Valley near Liberty, Bedford County. With Hunter close upon his heels, McCausland proceeded towards Lynchburg by the main road after being reinforced by General John D. Imboden with 400 men. Crook approached by the Forest Depot Road.128 McCausland burned the bridge across the Otter and again delayed the Federal trains and artillery, so that Hunter did not appear in front of Lynchburg until June 17. Because of McCausland's wary tactics, it took Hunter ten days to go from Staunton to Lynchburg. Unmolested, Averell could have traversed this distance with his cavalry in two days.129
On this point McCausland later commented:
It has always been a mystery to me why Averell did not press on with his cavalry. He certainly outnumbered my cavalry three to one. 'Tis true he was in a hostile country and I was on ground, every locality of which was familiar to me; also the citizens were unfriendly and gave him either no information at all or else deceived him by telling him what was not true. This was done in some localities at my suggestion.130
When Hunter left Staunton for Lynchburg, McCausland estimated Hunter's force at 15,000 men, including 3,000 cavalry. Every day of his march McCausland sent dispatches to Richmond informing General Robert E. Lee, Governor William Smith, and President Jefferson Davis of Hunter's march, his strength, and his objective. At first they did not believe the situation was as serious as McCausland depicted, but when the reports kept coming and each day brought Hunter nearer Lynchburg, Lee finally sent General Jubal A. Early to meet him. With a force of 20,000 men that had been dispatched from other fields, Early prepared his defenses just outside of Lynchburg.131
June 17, Averell and Crook drove the Confederates back into Lynchburg. When Hunter came up with his forces that night he made preparations for a strong attack next day. Early the 18th the two armies met. The first attack lasted all forenoon, but neither side could prevail. About noon a Confederate division under General John C. Breckenridge made a surprise attack that almost routed Hunter. However, he reformed his lines and held firm. But it was soon apparent that his situation was becoming precarious and to avoid disaster he decided to retire. His retreat soon developed into flight.132
Of this operation in the Valley before Lynchburg, McCausland said:
I have always felt proud of my efforts as a soldier in this Lynchburg campaign and believe that the people of the valley appreciated my opposition to Hunter. I think that I did as much with the limited means at my command as anyone else could have done. I had 1,000 men and 300 dismounted and some small guns to meet and delay this vast army. I did it and moreover secured a sufficient garrison for the place by the time it was attacked. There were no regular fights or battles. I did not have a man killed. Several were wounded but not seriously. There was some straggling but it was mostly confined to men that lived in the counties through which we were passing. They would go home to remove their stock to the mountains and to see if anything could be done for their families.
The country I passed through was all familiar ground to me; the Military Institute was my "Alma Mater." My kith and kin lived along the route taken by Hunter and everything that would stimulated a man to almost superhuman efforts was here found to help and force me to do my utmost.133
The citizens of Lynchburg lionized McCausland for the conspicuous part he played in the defense of their city. At the time they expressed thanks by an address from the city council. They also gave him a golden sword with the inscription, "The City of Lynchburg to General John McCausland, July 18, 1864," and a fine saddle horse with equipment, which included a pair of solid silver spurs. These were presented to him with many expressions of gratitude.134
For several years, on his birthday, the city council of Lynchburg sent McCausland telegrams of appreciation.135 On the sixty-first anniversary of the defense of Lynchburg, June 18, 1925, Mayor Walker Pettyjohn sent McCausland this telegram: "On this sixty-first anniversary of the attack on Lynchburg, which you so ably repelled with troops under your command, permit me to remind you of the grateful remembrance of our people and express the wish that you are this day enjoying the satisfaction that must be yours through having served God and your fellowmen."136
FROM LYNCHBURG TO WASHINGTON, 1864
When Hunter retreated from Lynchburg, McCausland followed with his brigade to the Forest Depot Road ten miles from Lynchburg. From there he crossed the country and came upon the road in the rear of Hunter's entire army, where he learned that the trains of Crook's divisions were but a short distance away. Although they were escorted by a cavalry regiment and an infantry battalion, McCausland moved at once against them. He succeeded in driving off the cavalry and capturing the entire train, but due to the cowardice and persistent disobedience of a colonel commanding one of his regiments, the Federal infantry escort recaptured the train and succeeded in getting to the main army. McCausland then returned to Lynchburg by a considerable detour around Hunter's left.137
Undaunted by these failure, McCausland moved to Salem. On this movement he was accompanied by General William E. Jones's old brigade, which together with McCausland's forces, was commanded by General Robert Ransom. Upon their arrival at Salem the Confederate scouts reported that Hunter's army was encamped in nearby meadows. There Hunter had parked his wagons and artillery and had begun grazing his horses. There were no pickets and some of Ransom's men, in the darkness and fog, approached to within a short distance of Hunter's camp without giving an alarm. The Confederate brigades were within a miles of the unguarded wagons and artillery which could have been captured had Ransom given the order. Instead, he permitted the trains and artillery to be moved off unmolested on the road leading to Craig Court House.138
Realizing that this was a good opportunity to get supplies and inflict damage on the enemy, McCausland asked permission to pursue. About eleven o'clock this request was granted and within an hour McCausland had moved to Hanging Rock, Roanoke County, dismounted most of his men, and attacked the train as it was moving through the Gap. He captured eleven pieces of artillery, two hundred prisoners, about two hundred horses, many wagons loaded with powder, boots, shoes, and plunder taken from houses along the line of march. This was the remainder of the train that had not gotten through the Gap at Hanging Rock before McCausland attacked.139
McCausland sent the captured supplies to Fincastle, Botetourt County, then occupied the Gap. He hoped to delay the main Federal army long enough for Early to overtake it and bring on a general action. Averell, however, arrived with his cavalry and light troops and dislodged McCausland. This permitted Hunter's entire army to pass to Lewisburg, thence to Charleston and Parkersburg by way of the Kanawha and Ohio rivers. From Parkersburg, Hunter transported his troops over the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad to Martinsburg, where he arrived July 14.140
When Hunter retreated through the Gap at Hanging Rock, McCausland returned to a point near Lexington, where he joined General Jubal A. Early's main army. From there the army marched down the Valley to Winchester which they reached on July 1. At once it opened the second act of General Lee's planned strategy, which was to frighten the North while the Union armies were elsewhere engaged, and thus draw the enemy from Richmond.141
In pursuit of this plan, McCausland, during the night of July 2, moved his brigade over North Mountain, near White Hall, Frederick County, and thence down the Valley of Back Creek. At daylight of July 3, he surprised and captured the garrison at North Mountain Depot and took two hundred prisoners. He then burned the railroad bridge across Back Creek and tore up railroad crossings in the vicinity of Martinsburg. Next he took position at Hainesville and was thus able to cut off possible retreat of the Federal forces that were then occupying Martinsburg.142
Altering his plans McCausland advanced to Martinsburg and entered the town simultaneously with General John C. Breckenridge's division. The Federal infantry retreated toward Shepherdstown, when the Confederates crossed the Potomac at Williamsport and advanced to Hagerstown, where under orders from Early, McCausland on July 6, collected $20,000 from the residents. At the same time he was able to replenish Confederate supplies by a large amount of army stores -- 120,000 bushels of oats, 400 cavalry saddles and other equipment, which had been a part of the Fifth United States Cavalry, and all of the horses that were in the vicinity. He then moved by way of Funktown and Boonesboro to the Catoctin Mountain, where General Robert Ransom, Jr., was skirmishing with Federal cavalry.143
Meantime, Early was collecting $200,000 from the citizens of Frederick Maryland, and seizing 1,000 head of horses. Previously he had driven General Lew Wallace before him to the Monocacy River.144
Following his success at Hagerstown, McCausland moved through Catoctin Mountain Gap where he turned to the left and struck the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad west of the Monocacy. After destroying the track for some distance, he pushed on to Monocacy Junction and joined the right wing of Early's army during the night of July 8.145 The Confederates on the west side and Wallace on the east side of the river remained quiet until eight or nine o'clock of the 9th. A staff of officers then requested that McCausland find a ford for the Confederate army to cross. In executing this order, McCausland was slightly wounded by Federal Cavalry that guarded the river. They failed, however, to prevent the main army from crossing when McCausland drove them back. Following this maneuver he drove off the cavalry guarding the left of Wallace's army.146
In a short time Wallace sent a force of infantry and cavalry to recapture the fords. Meanwhile, McCausland had dismounted a part of his cavalry and was thus able to hold the Federals in check for three hours, or until two divisions of the Confederates crossed the Monocacy. Then the attack was made that resulted in Wallace's defeat and utter rout. He lost 1,968 in killed, wounded, and missing. Early lost between 600 and 700 men. McCausland had 400 of his 1,800 men killed and wounded.147 This Union defeat provided the Confederates with a well-timed opportunity to threaten Washington.
McCausland then moved his cavalry to Urbana and repulsed a cavalry regiment that was threatening the Confederate's right. He encamped on the Urbana battlefield that night and moved early the next morning towards Rockville. From Urbana to Rockville the Federal cavalry constantly knifed at his brigade. At Rockville he had a sharp struggle with Federal cavalry but drove them off in time to keep the road clear for Early's main army. Here he left the front and moved direct towards Georgetown, Early moving down the Seventh Street Road.148
When McCausland reached the vicinity of Tennallytown, outside of Washington, he came upon an unoccupied fort where he met one division of General Horatio G. Wright's corps coming out to occupy it. McCausland was soon driven back and Wright took possession of the fort. McCausland, however, remained in front of it all of July 12 and skirmished with the Federals within. This kept them busy until Early sent reenforcements which arrived just before night with orders to attack the fort at once. This the Confederates hesitated to do and retired.149
By this time Early was outnumbered, as Grant's Sixth Division had arrived. The Confederates therefore retired the night of July 12. McCausland guarded its left flank until he reached Edward's Ferry near Leesburg, Virginia. At this point McCausland crossed the Potomac with 2,000 cattle and 1,500 horses that he had collected. During the retreat, he was attacked near Rockville by Colonel Charles R. Lowell, whom he easily repulsed.150
The main purpose of the raid around Washington was to draw Grant's attention from Petersburg. The Confederates also planned to get horses and supplies, and possibly to seize the President. Certainly they did not expect to take Washington and hold it. McCausland felt that if Early had been alive to his opportunity, Washington could have been raided. As it was, McCausland was nearer the city than any other Confederate general during the entire war, for from Georgetown he could see the unfinished dome of the Capitol.151
McCausland's brigade was sent on July 15 from Leesburg by way of Aldie and Upperville, Fauquier County, to guard supply trains, cattle, prisoners and horses which belonged to the army, and to see them safely into the Valley through Ashby's Gap. He fought the enemy off along the way as far as Aldie. Four days later, on July 19, he engaged Federals at Berry's Ferry with considerable loss to them. On July 24, he rejoined the main army near Winchester and aided in the pursuit of Crook after the battle of Kernstown.152
On the next day McCausland's brigade led the advance upon Martinsburg in which there was some skirmishing but a great deal more running. On the 26th, he advanced to the Potomac opposite Williamsport, Maryland, and, after a slight skirmish, drove Federal cavalry across the Potomac River. During the next few days he was employed in collecting stragglers and supplies at Hammond's Mill near Martinsburg.153
CHAMBERSBURG AND MOOREFIELD
July 28, 1864, General Early sent for McCausland to come to his headquarters at Martinsburg to explain to him orders which he was preparing for a raid into Pennsylvania. According to instructions McCausland was to take his brigade, General Bradley T. Johnson's, and Captain William G. McNutty's battery, totaling in all about 4,000 men, and proceed by way of Clear Spring and Mercersburg to Chambersburg. There he was to deliver a proclamation to the people demanding $100,000 in gold or $500,000 in greenbacks, in retaliation for damages done by Hunter in the Valley of Virginia. If the people of Chambersburg refused, fifty of their leading citizens were to be arrested and their town was to be burned.154
From Chambersburg McCausland was to return via McConnelsburg to Hancock, Maryland, on the National Road, and proceed to Cumberland, and there levy the same amount. In case the sum was not paid, he was to burn Cumberland and destroy the machinery of its coal pits.155 Next, he was to recross into West Virginia and proceed to New Creek Station, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, where he was to destroy the Federal defenses and as much of the railroad as practical. Then, after collecting all the horses, cattle, and other supplies for the army that could be found, he was to return to Winchester and report to Early in person.156
In the execution of these orders, McCausland moved on July 28 to Hammond's Mill, in the vicinity of McCoy's Ford, Maryland. Major Harry W. Gilmor's battalion had crossed the Potomac during the night, captured the pickets guarding the ford, and driven the Fourteenth Pennsylvania Cavalry down the National Road. Gilmor did everything he could to create the impression that the raiding party was going in the direction of Hagerstown and guarded McCausland's rear.157
Meanwhile, McCausland's entire command had passed through Clear Spring enroute to Mercersburg, which was reached about dark. There he halted, fed his horses, and collected stragglers in preparation for a night march to Chambersburg.158
Major James W. Sweeney's battalion of the Thirty-sixth Virginia moved in advance of the party and kept the road clear. It also drove off a detachment of Federal cavalry under Lieutenant Hancock T. McLean that moved in his front during the march. When Chambersburg was reached, about daylight, July 30, some citizens and straggling soldiers were formed on the hill near the town, and fired an old piece of artillery upon Sweeney's command. One man was killed but this did not prevent Sweeney from occupying the town shortly after daylight. The rest of the raiding party were formed in line of battle on the ridge overlooking Chambersburg.159
With about 400 mounted an dismounted men, McCausland entered Chambersburg about breakfast time. He met some of the principal citizens at the hotel and on the streets and communicated to them his desire to see the town authorities. The chief burgess being absent, the principal citizens came to McCausland only after much coaxing and delay. Thus he was able to deliver Early's proclamation, but the incredulous residents were doubtful about its enforcement. When McCausland informed them that this would most certainly be done, some refused to pay five cents, even though they could. Others said they could not raise the amount demanded, if they collected all the money in Chambersburg.160 Of these replies, McCausland stated later: "Some were willing to pay the ransom, some not. Most of them didn't believe us."161
Evidently, the people of Chambersburg were playing for time, as they knew that Averell, who had been at Hagerstown, was on his way to relieve them. Through his scouts McCausland was equally well informed and demanded payment by eleven o'clock.162
When the time had expired and no payments had been made, he set fire to the town. Commencing with the public buildings, he started fires simultaneously in fifty places. By one o'clock the entire town was in flames. Five hundred and twenty-seven buildings, valued at $313,294.34, were destroyed and, in addition, $915,137.24 in personal property were reduced to ashes. Averell arrived but too late to save the town.163
Some Federals claimed that the first warning they had was from the fires and smoke beneath them and that they were barely able to escape with their lives, and the clothing on their persons.164 In answer to this McCausland said:
The inhabitants were all removed from the houses before they were burned and even some cases of small-pox were removed. It is not known that any of the people were killed or mal-treated by the soldiers. One of our soldiers, Lieutenant Calder Bailey, who was drunk, was left at or near Chambersburg and the citizens beat him to death with clubs.165
For the burning of Chambersburg McCausland's name was anathema above the Mason-Dixon Line for more than a generation. He was declared an outlaw, a brigand, a violator of all the decencies of war and the laws thereof, a beast who warred on women and children. Had the word "hun" been in use then, it would undoubtedly have been applied to him.166 Even the marker in the heart of Chambersburg that tells of the city's destruction fails to mention McCausland's name.167
As McCausland says:
The burning of Chambersburg has been talked about a great deal and I have received my share (and more too) of abuse from the Federal side. I now [June 15, 1872] say that it was an act of war and such a one as recognized by all nations. Lextalionis is one of the rules of war and this comes clearly under the rule.
Hunter had gone into the valley and had done everything imaginable. Houses had been destroyed, leaving helpless women and children homeless and without shelter; furniture and bedding cut to pieces; old and young had been robbed of everything except the clothes they wore; families were left without a morsel of food. The scenes of want and misery were indescribable. . . . In retaliation for these acts, by Early's orders, I burned Chambersburg. I have no apology to make. My conscience is clear.168
Sherman, Sheridan, and Hunter have been applauded for their depredations; for his McCausland has been unjustly condemned throughout the years,169 though General Grant justified him, saying:
I have held and have so recorded my views officially, in substance, that the parole taken by officers and soldiers who were engaged in rebellion against the government, exempted them from trial or punishment for all acts of war, recognized by civilized governments, by order of their recognized superiors, so long as they observe, in good faith, the terms of their parole.170
McCausland was relieved also of blame by General Jubal A. Early, his commanding officer, who accepted full responsibility for the act in the following letter to Edward Bok:
The town of Chambersburg was burned on the same day on which the demand on it was made by McCausland and refused. It was ascertained that a force of the enemy's cavalry was approaching, and there was no time for delay. Moreover, the refusal was peremptory, and there was no reason for delay unless the demand was a mere idle threat.
I had no knowledge of what amount of money there might be in Chambersburg. I knew it was a town of some 12,000 inhabitants. The town of Frederick, in Maryland, which was a smaller town than Chambersburg, had in June very promptly responded to my demand on it for $200,000. Some of the inhabitants who were very friendly to me, expressed the regret that I had not made it $500,000. There was one or more National banks at Chambersburg, and the town ought to have been able to raise the sum I demanded. I never heard that the refusal was based on the inability to pay any sum. The value of the houses destroyed by Hunter with their contents, was fully $100,000 in gold, and at the time I made the demand the price of gold in greenbacks had very nearly reached $3.00 and was going up very rapidly. Hence it was that I required the $500,000 in greenbacks, if the gold was not paid, to provide against any further depreciation of the paper money.
I would have been fully justified, by the laws of retaliation in war, in burning the town without giving the inhabitants the opportunity of redeeming it. For this act I alone am responsible, as the officers engaged in it were simply executing my orders and had no discretion left them. Notwithstanding the lapse of time which has occurred and the result of the war, I see no reason to regret my conduct.171
McCausland's forces left Chambersburg soon after he fired it and camped the first night at McConnelsburg. Leaving that town at daylight, July 31, he proceeded to Hancock. He rested there several hours and would have collected money and supplies, which included cooked rations, if Averell who was following close upon him had not approached. McCausland then continued his march to Cumberland to carry out his plan of destruction, but found the city defenses, under the control of General Benjamin F. Kelley, too strong. After several hours of combat, with neither side prevailing, McCausland withdrew during the night to Old Town, Maryland, on the Potomac, where the fords of the river were guarded by a considerable force of Federal infantry and some iron-clad cars. McNutty's artillery soon demolished the cars and Colonel Israel Stough, commanding the fort, surrendered to General Bradley T. Johnson. Five officers and twenty-seven men were captured and immediately paroled. Two Federals were killed and three wounded. In this engagement McCausland lost twenty to twenty-five killed and forty to fifty wounded.172
August 2, McCausland crossed the Potomac and moved to Springfield, Hampshire County, where he encamped for the night. The next day he marched to Romney and here started his trains back to the Valley Virginia. The people of West Virginia feared an extended raid through their state, as far as the Ohio Valley, but McCausland indicated by sending his trains east that he had no such intention. His later reverses had nothing to do with this decision.173
Following his original orders, McCausland proceeded, on August 4, to New Creek to seize the railroad. His brigade captured one of the forts there, but Johnson failed to capture the other. By this time the Federals had become so entrenched that McCausland deemed it unwise to attack them and withdrew to Romney and then to Moorefield. In the engagement at New Creek, McCausland lost about thirty men killed and wounded, who were left on the field because of lack of transportation. While McCausland was attacking the Federals at New Creek, Generals John C. Breckenridge, Stephen D. Ramseur, and Robert E. Rodes were making demonstrations around Shepherdstown and Martinsburg to draw attention from McCausland.174
After he reached Moorefield McCausland decided to rest before returning to the Valley, but, on August 6, scouts and spies left behind at Romney came to his headquarters at Moorefield about midnight and reported that Averell passed through Romney the afternoon of the 6th and would probably attack McCausland at daylight of the 7th. He at once sent this information to Johnson who was encamped upon and picketing the roads leading to Romney, with orders to prepare at once for this emergency, to strengthen his pickets, to mount and form his command near the ford of the South Branch of the Potomac. Colonel James Cochran who was in charge of McCausland's brigade, while, according to Johnson, McCausland was visiting at McMechen's, three miles away, was also give the same information.175
About daylight Averell made a furious attack on McCausland's rear, commanded by Johnson. Johnson's men acted as though unprepared for such an onslaught and fled pell-mell into McCausland's camp. Three times he attempted to rally them but failed. They then retreated through Moorefield toward Mount Jackson.176 Johnson maintained that he was not forewarned and that the Federal force surprised him by seizing his pickets and using their uniforms to get into his camp.177 According to Averell, he only partially surprised Johnson.178
Regardless of the cause, the Confederate losses at Moorefield included 420 prisoners, all their artillery, 678 horses, equipment, three battle flags, and 150 killed, wounded, and missing.179 Thus the glory that McCausland had gained on his raid through Pennsylvania was offset by disaster. His men were completely worn out by the long trip and demoralized by plunder, but McCausland always maintained that if Johnson had been more wary and Colonel Cochran more efficient, they could have avoided defeat.180 After Moorefield, at Lee's suggestion, Johnson's brigade was disbanded.181
FROM WINCHESTER TO APPOMATTOX
August 15, 1864, following the battle at Moorefield, McCausland and his men rejoined Early by way of Mount Jackson to take part in the campaign around Winchester and in the Upper Valley. General Philip Sheridan was in charge of the "Army of the Shenandoah." His orders from General Grant were to drive Early to the Virginia Central Railroad and to lay waste the Valley so that it could not be used as a highway to the North.182
In obedience to these instructions Sheridan took position at Cedar Creek, Warren County, but retreated before Early's superior forces through Winchester to Charles Town. August 17-19, McCausland went to the right of Winchester and drove the enemy across Opequon Creek. Following this action he took position on the Bruceton-Smithfield Road.183
For his next assignment, General Lunsford L. Lomax sent McCausland on August 24, with 993 men to harass the enemy around Shepherdstown, Charles Town, and Harpers Ferry. August 29, he met the enemy at Smithfield, and on September 3, engaged Averell at Bunker Hill. With the help of General Robert E. Rodes, McCausland drove Averell off.184
In a surprise move Generals McCausland, Bradley T. Johnson, and John C. Vaughn combined their forces and marched against Colonel James M. Schoonmaker, defeating him on September 10 at Darkesville, Berkeley County.185 Following this, McCausland prevented Federal forces from repairing the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at Martinsburg, while at the same time the Confederates burned Back Creek Bridge.186
As his part in the "Battle of the Opequon," fought near Winchester on the 19th, McCausland guarded the Martinsburg Pike.187 But Early's forces fell back to Strasburg and thus lost control of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.188
September 24, General William H. Powell drove Lomax's forces, including Generals Bradley T. Johnson, John D. Imboden, and McCausland from Mount Jackson to Harrisonburg. Later McCausland with his force checked a detachment of the enemy under General Thomas C. Devin at Port Republic after a fierce struggle. These cavalry skirmishes protected Early's retreat up the Valley.189
During the last of September and the first of October, McCausland was in the vicinity of Waynesboro, Bridgewater, and Woodstock. Governor William Smith advocated sending him to reenforce General John Echols in the Southwestern Virginia region, but this was not done.
In a letter to General Lee, dated October 6, Governor Smith criticized Early's management of the Valley Campaign against Sheridan. Early answered his critic by saying: "The enemy's cavalry is so much superior to ours, both in number and in equipment, and the country is so favorable to the operation of the cavalry that it is impossible for ours to compete with his."190
With Grant's approval, Sheridan, on October 5, moved from Port Republic down the Valley, and laid waste everything between the Blue Ridge and North Mountains.191 When he learned of this retreat, Early followed Sheridan, and attacked him at Tom's Brook, October 9, but was driven back.192 Shortly after this, October 12, McCausland was with Colonel John S. Mosby when Colonel William H. Powell drove them across the Blue Ridge and through Madison Court House.193
Angered by attack, Sheridan moved up the Valley to Cedar Creek opposite Early at Fisher's Hill. From this position at daylight on October 19 Early surprised and routed Sheridan's forces under General Horatio G. Wright, while Sheridan was absent on official business. At Winchester Sheridan heard the firing and, it is claimed, rode eleven and one-half miles in time to halt the rout and inspire his men to victory.194 Now commanding the Fourteenth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, and Twenty-fifth Virginias, and the Thirty-seventh Virginia Battalion,195 McCausland took part in the engagement and as Early retreated towards Middletown and New Market,196 participated in the skirmishing.
Through the latter part of October and the first of November, McCausland and Lomax were in the vicinity of New Market and Milford. At the latter place Powell attacked them but was repulsed.197 McCausland's next assignment consisted of guarding the Winchester-Front Royal Pike and the Cedarville-Middletown Road. While carrying out this assignment Federal cavalry, under Colonel William H. Powell, on November 12, twice attacked him at Strong Point, but was driven back two miles. While McCausland stopped to rest and eat, Powell, after being reenforced, drove him to Front Royal, and captured the Confederate artillery and about 100 prisoners. McCausland was slightly wounded. Though he sustained considerable losses in the engagement, McCausland thought it expedient to meet Powell before Front Royal because of the great danger that would have resulted had he fallen back to Guard Hill and then exposed to the enemy the whole Valley Pike at Middletown.198
Later in the month, November 28, after a hurried march down the Valley, Generals Thomas L. Rosser, McCausland, and William H. Payne surprised the Federal forces at New Creek and captured all of Company F, Sixth West Virginia Infantry, Lieutenant William R. MacDonald, and fifty-one men.199
December 17, a detachment of McCausland's command and two companies of Mosby's men defeated a Federal force under Captain William Miles at Berry's Ford. The Federal commander and ten of his men were killed and twenty were captured.200 In retaliation for the death of Miles and his men, Sheridan's troops later executed Confederate officers out-of-hand and without trial. A monument to these victims stands by the Shenandoah Turnpike today. Such is the nature of war, even when conducted by American heroes.201
December 22, 1864, Generals Alfred T. Torbet, Alfred N. Duffie, and Colonel William H. Powell with 8,000 men drove McCausland and General William L. Jackson, who had but 1,300, over the Rapidan River at Liberty Mills. McCausland immediately burned the bridge and erected strong fortifications. Therefore the Union forces forded the river five or six miles above as well as below the point where the bridge had been. After sustaining repeated attacks the Confederates fell back to Gordonsville, where they entrenched themselves. When the Confederates were reenforced, however, the Union armies retreated to Winchester.202
In a conference between Lee and Early, held in January 1865, Lee instructed Early to remain in the Shenandoah Valley. Although his forces were much reduced, it was expected that he could present the appearance of greater numbers. Early was to put on a bold front and to do the best he could in holding Sheridan at bay. He had General Gabriel C. Wharton's infantry, Colonel William Nelson's artillery battalion, and Generals Lomax's and Thomas L. Rosser's cavalry.203
McCausland's cavalry brigade meanwhile had headquarters at Callaghan's, west of Covington; a camp of observation near White Sulphur Springs; and pickets at Lewisburg. The cavalry had been spread to forage, for Sheridan had destroyed many supplies, and the drouth in 1864 had been severe.204
Through February McCausland's five cavalry regiments were in Greenbrier and Monroe counties. On February 7, he was at Lewisburg and on the 23rd he was near Warm Springs.205 During the month General John C. Vaughn asked General John Echols for permission to take his and McCausland's forces to Tennessee above Chattanooga to fight the Federals. This request was not granted.
As the Federal forces were concentrating around Petersburg for a major offensive, Sheridan moved up the Valley to play his part in the death struggle that was about to take place. On March 3, he met Early at Waynesboro and captured his wagons, tents, ammunitions, seventeen flags, eleven guns, and about 1,600 men and officers. Early and the remainder of his men fled to the mountains and managed to join Lee. Sheridan then went to Richmond on the Central Virginia Railroad destroying everything along the way.206 McCausland planned to join Rosser in pursuit of Sheridan to Scottsville but failed because he was detained at Lewisburg by high water until about March 15.207 With 1,549 men, including the Thirty-sixth and Sixtieth Virginias and the Forty-fifth Virginia Battalion, he then joined Rosser in the Appomattox Campaign,208 where he fought gallantly at Five Forks, March 30, 1865.209
But the gallantry of the Southerners was soon to be conquered by the superior might of the North. However, when Lee surrendered at Appomattox on Sunday, April 9, 1865, McCausland again refused to say that "damned distasteful" word, just as he had at Fort Donelson.210 Of his brigade, there were but one officer and twenty-six men paroled at Appomattox.211 McCausland described Lee's surrender as follows:
My command -- by that time a mere skeleton, reduced to not more than 200 men -- was next to General Tom Mulford's, on a hill above the town. Suddenly there was a lull in the fighting, which for days raged with the fury of hell. I noticed the men along the battle line below stacking arms. Just at that moment, General Fitzhugh Lee came charging by on his horse.
"High Fitzhugh, what's going on out there?" I asked.
"Uncle Bobby has surrendered," he shouted back, spurring his horse to speedier flight.
I turned to Mulford and said, "Let's get out of here."
We made our way to Lynchburg where we disbanded our forces. I went to Wytheville and coming through McDowell county, made my way down New River and back home here.212
The returning warrior was not welcomed as a conquering hero. Many of his old friends were Northern sympathizers who bitterly resented the burning of Chambersburg. The war spirit smoldered long after the fighting had died, and McCausland found it impossible to remain amid the scenes of his boyhood.213 No matter what might happen to General Robert E. Lee or President Jefferson Davis, McCausland was slated, in the united opinion of the North, for a drum-head court martial when the Confederacy fell. So, with numerous others, he began that hegira which for some was to be two decades of wandering.214
McCausland first went to Charleston where he borrowed money from his brother, Dr. Robert McCausland, on which to leave the country. This dispels the suspicion that lingered for years that he collected a fortune from the people of Chambersburg and secretly kept it for his private use.215 From Charleston he went to Cincinnati and then to Canada. From there he went to England and Scotland to visit relatives. After a short time he went to France and thence to Mexico, where he remained until 1867.216
On his journey McCausland carried letters of introduction from prominent friends in America, which made him acceptable to the great in Europe. Ex-Governor John Letcher of Virginia wrote:
The undersigned takes pleasure in stating that he has been well acquainted with Brigadier General John McCausland for many years; that he is a gentleman of intelligence and integrity -- an accomplished scholar and possesses extraordinary energy, and remarkable executive talent. As a professor in the [Virginia Military] Institute, and as an officer in the late Confederate Army, he acquitted himself with great distinction.217
A second letter was from the faculty of the Virginia Military Institute, which, in part, said:
The members of the faculty of the Virginia Military Institute take great pleasure in recommending General John McCausland, as a gentleman of thorough scientific training, and of remarkable industry, energy, and executive talent. He graduated at the Virginia Military Institute in 1857, at the head of his class, and was thereafter appointed as Assistant Professor of Mathematics in the Institute, and was acting in this capacity with entire satisfaction to the Institution, when the war opened in 1861.
He served during the whole war with distinguished courage, and ability, and when it closed, held the rank of Brigadier General in the Confederate Army.218
McCausland's exile was shortened to two years because General Ulysses S. Grant befriended him. Grant declared that Chambersburg belonged in the category of things to be forgotten and forgiven. This resulted in the quashing of indictments for arson brought against McCausland and Bradley T. Johnson in Franklin County, Pennsylvania.219 Doubtless General Grant was influenced by the fact that McCausland had acted under orders of his superior officer, General Jubal A. Early. Moreover, before the war McCausland and Grant had been friends in St. Louis.220
Having assurance that he would be unmolested, McCausland entered the United States in 1867 and went to St. Louis where he had inherited property. With the income from this property he returned to Henderson, West Virginia, located in the Great Kanawha Valley, where he bought an estate. The site chosen was seventeen miles above Point Pleasant and forty miles below Charleston. Here he proved himself as brilliant a strategist in peace as in war.221 He bought lands others considered worthless swamps and tilled them to make a fertile farm. For example, he paid $90 for ninety-eight acres.222 At the time of his death in 1927, he had acquired and given his sons 3,737 acres with an assessed valuation of $105,425.223 Some of this land, it may be of interest, had been owned by Washington and had come down through the Custis heirs.224
About a mile from the Kanawha River, on a slight elevation, McCausland built a fortress-like residence of stone with a turret top. His critics say it was built for protection.225
In 1878, at a reception given by General [Fitzhugh] Lee at White Sulphur Springs, McCausland met Miss Emmett Charlotte Hannah, daughter of Sam Hannah, cashier of the Kanawha Valley Bank.226 Charlotte was beautiful and accomplished; she had gone to a girl's school at Hillsboro, North Carolina. Her sister, Mary Hannah, was a belle of postwar Charleston.227
After a short courtship John McCausland and Charlotte Hannah were married on October 3, 1878, by the Reverend Hugh Brown at Cliffside, the residence of her family, in Charlotte County, Virginia.228 Of this marriage four children were born: Samuel H., 1880; John, Jr., 1881; Charlotte Emmette, 1883; and Alexander, 1887. McCausland's wife lived thirteen years. She died August 25, 1891, of consumption, induced, it is said, by diseased tonsils.229
The later years of McCausland's life were given to riding about his farm and to taking an active interest in managing his many investments.230 He rarely went to the cities, and he held himself aloof from his neighbors. He had few visitors, but those who came were graciously received.
His house, though richly furnished, was almost Spartan in its simplicity and gave one the impression that he was stepping into the presence of an invisible host of fighters. On the wall of the library were pistols and portraits of "gray" soldiers. A framed document bearing the signature of the Confederate President and Secretary of War looked down from above an old-time "secretary." It was the general's commission as Brigadier General. In sight was a gold sword which bore the inscription, "The City of Lynchburg, to General John McCausland, July 18, 1864."231
Thus surrounded, McCausland lived in the past, and refused to recognize a "lost cause." He was only twenty-nine years old when the war ended, and most of his ninety years were colored by its memories. He never considered himself as belonging to West Virginia, though he lived there most of his life.232 Once he took one of his sons to Richmond to a reunion. When there he told his friends, while speaking from steps of the Westmoreland Club, that he had come back to show his boy the kind of people with whom he had formerly associated.233
At his home at Pliney, January 23, 1927, McCausland died in his sleep at the age of ninety of a heart attack. He was the survivor of almost all of those who thirsted for his blood and, with one exception, Felix Robertson, was the last of the Confederate Brigadier Generals. More than that, he was of the "Old Guard" that die but never surrender. "Lee might give up his sword and Early, Johnston, Pickett and all the rest, but not the destroyer of Chambersburg. There was no Appomattox for him except death."234
At his death, the city of Lynchburg sent the family the following telegram: "It is with exceeding regret that Lynchburg learns today of the passing of General McCausland, whose splendid services in behalf of this city during the conflict between the states, will be remembered with gratitude. The people of Lynchburg desire to express to his family their heart-felt and deepest sympathy."235
At Virginia Military Institute the following orders were read to the cadets:
It becomes the sad duty of the superintendent to announce to officers and cadets the death of General John McCausland, the first distinguished graduate of the class of 1857, who for many years prior to his demise enjoyed the distinction of being the oldest living graduate of this institution.
On the 23rd instant, in the 90th year of his age in his country home near Point Pleasant, West Virginia, General McCausland passed away, leaving a record of military achievement and honorable endeavor of which his descendants and friends are justly proud.
Assistant Professor of Mathematics and Post Adjutant, V.M.I., 1859-1860, aid to Wise on the occasion of execution of John Brown, commanding the force opposing the advance of General David Hunter in 1864, when Lexington was taken and V.M.I. destroyed, retreating with the cadets before Hunter's advance, delaying and harassing that advance as far as a greatly inferior force was able to accomplish those ends, he had the later satisfaction of driving this Federal force out of Virginia, separating them from their baggage train, and giving them some idea of the "parched-corn ration" with which his own troops had become familiar.
The delay of Hunter's advance on Lynchburg was a notable military achievement, as it enabled General Lee to concentrate two divisions there under General Early, and thus frustrate General Grant's object of severing the Confederate source of supply by destroying railroad connections.
General McCausland was next to the last surviving brigade commander of the Confederate Army. His passing marks practically the end of an era -- the era of the Confederate general officer.
"Sic transit gloria mundi." But what a glory was theirs. Its effulgence will remain and, like an aurora, will brighten the landscape of history to the descendants of those who gave their all to a righteous cause, that, though right, was "Lost."
General McCausland was a great admirer of his alma mater. His brother and son was alumni.
We shall treasure his memory and emulate as we may his virtue.
As an admiring tribute to his memory the flags, State and National, will be displayed at half-mast until after interment.236
Owing to rains and high water, making roads impassable, his body was taken down the Kanawha River to Henderson on a barge, decorated in Confederate flags, which made a most imposing spectacle. It ever a man deserved to have the "Stars and Bars" on his coffin it was Brigadier General John McCausland. He was buried in Smith Cemetery, at Henderson, January 25, 1927.237
Although McCausland gave his lands to his sons in 1907, the homestead to Alexander and a farm to each of his two other sons, he had much other property which he disposed of by the following will:
I John McCausland of Mason County, West Virginia, to make, publish and declare this to be my last will and testament, hereby revoking all other wills and codicils heretofore made by me.
First, I desire that all my debts and funeral expenses be paid.
Second, I devise and bequeath to my sons, Alexander McCausland, Sam H. McCausland, John McCausland, and my daughter Charlotte E. McCausland all my estate, real and personal and mixed, except the one-fourth.
I hereby appoint Alexander, John McCausland, Jr., and Charlotte McCausland as Executors to my estate without bond. This will has been written entirely by me. In testimony whereof I have this day set my hand and affixed my seal, this eleventh day of May, 1920.
Sam H. McCausland, one of my executors, will inherit one-fourth of my estate of government bonds.
October 21, 1925 John McCausland
John McCausland, Jr.238
The appraisers found that he had property, other than land, valued at $62,171.55.239
McCausland was a man of strong personality who gained for himself, during the four years of that desperate Civil War, a reputation as a brilliant tactician and a persistent fighter. His fine intellect, his devotion to what he thought right and his ability as a soldier remain unquestioned in unbiased circles.240
1. Virginia Military Institute, Scrap Book, Vol. IV, 23.
2. Dictionary of American Biography, Vol. XI, 575.
3. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
9. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.)
10. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family). In February 1873, McCausland was indicted by the Grand Jury of Gallia County for shooting, with intent to kill, a man by the name of Brown, who had stolen corn and other farm products from McCausland and then fled to the Ohio shore across from Henderson. McCausland and three men, Lewis Allen, William Arthur, and Benjamin Clagg went after him, and it was then that Brown was shot by McCausland in self defense, but was not killed. Brown was then forcibly removed to the West Virginia side. For this, McCausland, Allen, Arthur, and Clagg were indicted for kidnapping. Both of the above indictments were nolled. Gallia County Records, Gallipolis, Ohio.
13. M. P. Shawkey, West Virginia, Vol. V, 175.
14. University of Virginia, Office of the Registrar.
15. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
16. V.M.I., Scrap Book, Vol. IV, 24.
18. Harold Faller, "A West Virginian, One of Two Surviving Confederate Generals," in West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 22.
19. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.); The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, I, Vol. II, 788. The text of Lee's instructions to McCausland follows: You will proceed to the Valley of the Kanawha, and muster into the service of the State such volunteer companies (not exceeding ten) as may offer their services, in compliance with the call of the governor; take command of them, and direct the military operations for the protection of the section of the country. Your policy will be strictly defensive, and you will endeavor to give quiet and insurance to the inhabitants. It has been reported that two companies are already found in Kanawha County, Captain Patten's and Captain Swann's, and that there are two in Putnam County, Captain Becket's and Captain Fife's. It is supposed that others will offer their services. The number of enlisted men to a company, fixed by the Convention, is eighty-two. You will report the condition of the arms, etc., of each company, and, to enable you to supply deficiencies, five hundred muskets, of the old patter will be sent. I regret to state that they are the only kind at present for issue. Four field pieces will also be sent you as soon as possible, for the service of which you are desired to organize a company of artillery. The position of the companies at present is left to your judgment, and you are desired to report what points below Charleston will most effectually accomplish the objects in view.
I am, sir, etc.
R. E. Lee
Captain George S. Patten is the same as Captain George S. Patton. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies makes a correction of this in Volume II. Also Captain Thomas B. Sevann has his name spelled Swann. Corrections, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, I, Vol. II.
20. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. II, 952. The governor of Virginia was issuing drafts for one or two hundred men in a county for the Virginia militia. General Alfred Beckley opposed these irregular drafts as he said it would hurt a general draft later, which seemed very likely.
21. V.M.I., Scrap Book, Vol. IV, 24; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
22. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. II, 800.
23. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
24. Ibid. The italicized words show that McCausland was a bit sarcastic in his comment and the figures are probably correct, as he knew them. However, on July 8, Wise reported 2,700 troops in his immediate command. Barton H. Wise, The Life of Henry Wise, 284-286.
25. C. H. Ambler, A History of West Virginia, 338; Jed Hotchkiss, "Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. III, 60.
26. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. II, 888.
27. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
28. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. II, 292.
29. Hotchkiss, "Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. III, 61.
30. Ibid., 61.
31. Ibid., 62.
32. Ibid., 62.
33. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. V, 789, 801.
34. Ibid., 154; Robert White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 36.
35. Ibid.; Jacob D. Cox, Reminiscences of the Civil War, Vol. I, 95.
36. Ibid., 97; White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 37.
37. Ibid., 39.
38. Ibid., 43; Cox, Reminiscences, Vol. I, 114.
39. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 45.
40. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. LI, pt. II, 369, 371.
41. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 46.
42. Ibid., 47; Cox, Reminiscences, Vol. I, 148.
43. Ambler, West Virginia: Stories and Biographies, 301; McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
44. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. VII, 277.
45. Ibid., 277.
46. Ibid., 278; M. F. Force, From Fort Henry to Corinth, 54.
47. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. VII, 284.
48. Ibid., 284, 341.
49. J. F. Rhodes, History of the United States, Vol. III, 479.
50. Ibid., 480.
51. Ibid., 480.
52. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. VII, 254.
53. Ibid., 270-275; Force, From Fort Henry to Corinth, 61. French, Guy, and Jackson led Virginia artillery companies. Very little is mentioned of them in this engagement.
54. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. VII, 414.
55. Ibid., 275, 383; Force, From Fort Henry to Corinth, 59.
56. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.); West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 222.
57. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 59.
58. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XII, pt. 1, 495.
59. Ibid., 492.
60. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 59.
61. Cox, Reminiscences, Vol. I, 220; McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
63. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, II, Vol. IV, 846-847.
64. Ibid., I, Vol. LII, pt. II, 327.
65. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 61.
66. C. H. Ambler, West Virginia, The Mountain State, 362.
67. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 66; Ambler, History of West Virginia, 339.
68. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XIX, 1083-1084.
69. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 66.
70. Ibid., 67; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XIX, pt. I, 1090.
71. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 67.
72. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XIX, 1074.
73. Ibid., 1082.
74. White, "West Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 69.
75. Ibid., 71.
76. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. II, 1083.
77. Ibid., I, Vol. XX, pt. II, 478.
78. Ibid., I, Vol. XXV, pt. II, 599.
79. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
80. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXV, pt. II, 667.
81. Ibid., 669.
82. Ibid., 767.
83. James M. Callahan, Semi-Centennial History of West Virginia, 157; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXV, pt. II, 799.
84. Ibid., 822.
85. Ibid., 824.
86. Ibid., I, Vol. XXVII, pt. II, 961-962.
87. Ibid., 961.
88. Ibid., 962.
89. Ibid., 963.
90. Ibid., 959.
91. Ibid., I, Vol. XXX, pt. IV, 676.
92. Ibid., I, Vol. XXIX, pt. II, 793.
93. Ibid., I, Vol. XXIX, pt. I, 949; Ambler, Mountain State, 368.
94. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXIII, 583; McCausland, Letter and Papers (Family).
95. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXIII, 1136, 1212; Ibid., I, Vol. XXVII, 718.
96. Ibid., Vol. XXXIII, 1253; Ibid., 1297; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
97. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXIII, 1297.
98. Ibid., 1325; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
100. Ibid.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 10.
101. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
102. Ibid.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 44.
103. Ibid., 46; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
105. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. LI, pt. II, 928; McCausland, Letter and Papers (Family).
106. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, 741; G. E. Pond, The Shenandoah Valley in 1864 (Campaigns of the Civil War Series), 13.
107. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, 45; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
109. Ibid.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 46.
110. Ibid., 44; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
111. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 46.
112. Ibid., 747.
113. G. E. Pond, The Shenandoah Valley in the Civil War, 22.
114. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
115. Ibid.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 96.
116. G. E. Pond, The Shenandoah Valley in the Civil War, 27; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
117. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 96; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
118. Ibid.; J. C. Wise, Military History of the Virginia Military Institute, 353.
119. Ibid., 357; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 96.
120. Ibid., 96; Wise, Virginia Military Institute, 355.
121. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 96.
122. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
123. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, II, Vol. VII, 431.
124. Ibid., I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 147; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
125. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 98.
126. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
128. Ibid.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 146; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 32.
129. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 146; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
131. Ibid.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 100.
132. Ibid., 100, 684.
133. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
134. V.M.I., Scrap Book, Vol. IV, 23.
135. Ibid., 24.
136. Lynchburg News (Lynchburg, Virginia), June 18, 1925.
137. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
138. Ibid.; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 39.
139. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 160.
140. F. P. Summers, The Baltimore and Ohio in the Civil War, Note 63, 257.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 103.
141. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 46.
142. Ibid., 48; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLIII, pt. I, 1020.
143. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 50; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 116.
144. Ibid., I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 347; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
146. Ibid.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 348; Ibid., 88.
147. Ibid, 191; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
148. Ibid.; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 58; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 348.
149. Ibid., 348; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family). McCausland does not mention the fort's name that was unoccupied but from a map of Washington it appears to be Fort Gaines (author).
150. Jed Hotchkiss, "Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. III, 484; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. II, 267, 303; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family). Although defeated by McCausland, Lowell said: "McCausland drills but doesn't fight well." The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. II, 267.
151. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 254; West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 222; V.M.I., Scrap Book, Vol. IV, 24. Participating in this campaign around Washington were Early, Breckenridge, Generals Robert E. Rodes, Bradley T. Johnson, John B. Gordon, Stephen B. Ramseur, Robert Ransom, Jr., Major Harry W. Gilmor, Colonel John S. Mosby, and McCausland. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, Vol. XXXVII, pt, II, 330.
152. Ibid., I, Vol. XLIII, pt. I, 1022; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
154. Ibid.; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 102; McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.); West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 222. The specific property burned by Hunter that Early had in mind were homes of A. R. Boteler, E. I. Lee, and Andrew Hunter. These men were to be paid damages with the money collected. Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 110.
155. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 100.
156. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.); McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
158. Ibid.; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 101; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 355.
159. Ibid., 333; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
160. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 333, 335, 355; McCausland, Letter and Papers (Family).
162. Marker in Public Square, Chambersburg; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 333; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); Editorial, "A Hun of the Civil War," Nation, Vol. 24, 135; McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.); "McCausland," Dictionary of American Biography, 575.
163. Ibid.; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 103; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 333. McCausland was accused of collecting money from the people of Chambersburg and not remitting this to Early. None of the facts of McCausland's life justify this accusation.
164. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 333.
165. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
166. The Nation, Vol. 124, 135.
167. Marker in Public Square, Chambersburg, Pennsylvania.
168. G. L. Eskew, "They Called Him `Town Burner,'" West Virginia Review, Vol. XVI, 62; Ibid.; Vol. III, 222; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
169. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
170. West Virginia Review, Vol. XVI, 62.
171. Ibid., Vol. III, 222; J. A. Early, Memoirs of Lieutenant General Jubal Early, 401, 404.
172. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XXXVII, pt. I, 189, 355; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 104-105; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
173. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLIII, 702; Callahan, Semi-Centennial History, 160; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family); Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 105.
174. Jed Hotchkiss, "Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. II, 487; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
175. Ibid.; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLIII, pt, I, 7.
176. Ibid., 494.
177. Ibid., 7.
178. Ibid., 494.
179. Ibid., 81, 84; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 106; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
181. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLVI, pt. II, 1199.
182. Jed Hotchkiss, "Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. III, 487; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 115.
183. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLIII, pt. I, 1001.
184. Ibid., 45.
185. Ibid., pt. II, 66.
186. Ibid., 554.
187. Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 156, 165.
188. Ibid., 184.
189. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLIII, pt. I, 506, 611.
190. Ibid., pt. II, 894; Ibid., pt. I, 559.
191. Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 191.
192. Ibid., 203.
193. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLIII, 508-509.
194. Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 235.
195. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLIII, pt. I, 566.
196. Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 244.
197. Ibid., 244; The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLIII, pt. I, 1030.
198. Ibid., 614.
199. Ibid., 88. A Confederate Major McDonald, presumably Edward H., formerly of New Creek, took part in the engagements around New Creek and Piedmont. Ibid., 656.
200. Ibid., pt. II, 798.
201. The Nation, Vol. 124, 136.
202. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLII, pt. I, 678; Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 250.
203. Jed Hotchkiss, "Virginia," in Confederate Military History, Vol. III, 535.
204. Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 252.
205. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLVI, pt. I, 512; Ibid., pt. II, 359.
206. Pond, Shenandoah Valley, 253.
207. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLVI, pt. II, 954.
208. Ibid., 954; Ibid., Vol. XXXIII, 1335; McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
210. West Virginia Review, Vol. XVI, 42.
211. The War of the Rebellion: Official Records, I, Vol. XLVI, pt. I, 1279.
212. West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 246. This was written at McCausland's home on the Great Kanawha River about forty miles below Charleston.
213. West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 246.
214. The Nation, Vol. 124, 135.
215. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
216. Ibid.; West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 246. McCausland joined the French Foreign Legion and came with it to Mexico to support Maximilian. When Napoleon III withdrew this support, at America's insistence, McCausland remained in Mexico. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family). Once at White Sulphur McCausland was asked to join the Egyptian Army but declined. Eskew, American Legion, September 1940.
217. McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
219. West Virginia Review, Vol. XVI, 62.
220. Ibid., 63.
221. Ibid., Vol. III, 246.
222. Wheeling Intelligencer (Wheeling, West Virginia), January 24, 1927.
223. Deed Book, Mason County, West Virginia, Number 78, 405.
224. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
225. West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 246.
226. McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
228. McCausland, Family Bible.
229. Ibid.; McCausland, Letters and Papers (Family).
230. V.M.I., Scrap Book, Vol. III, 63; West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 246.
231. Ibid., 63.
232. V.M.I., Scrap Book, Vol. III, 63.
233. West Virginia Review, Vol. III, 246.
234. The Nation, Vol. 124, 135.
235. V.M.I., Scrap Book, Vol. IV, 23.
237. McCausland, Letters and Papers, (V.M.I.).
238. Will Book, Mason County, West Virginia, 285.
239. Copy of the appraisement of McCausland's estate follows:
We, the undersigned appraisers of the estate of John McCausland, having been duly appointed and sworn for the purpose, hereby submit the following appraisement of such estate, viz, this 24th day of May, 1927.
Fourth Series 4% United States Liberty Loan Bonds, with October 1927 and subsequent coupons attached -- $60,000.
Balance note A. I. and S. T. Cremley dated July 31, 1920, with interest from date -- $400.
Balance in Merchants National Bank of Point Pleasant, W. Va. -- $771.55.
Four (4) shares stock at $250.00 per share, Merchants National Bank of Point Pleasant, West Virginia -- $1,000.00 Total $62,171.55.
Given under our hands this 24th day of May, 1927.
C. C. Bowyer
W. W. Riley, Jr.
We, hereby accept the foregoing appraisement as an inventory of the estate of John McCausland deceased.
Given under our hands this 24th day of May, 1927.
Settlement of Administration, Mason County, West Virginia, Number 11, 578-579.
240. Shawkey, West Virginia, 175; McCausland, Letters and Papers (V.M.I.).
West Virginia History Journal
West Virginia History Center